The events of the last decade
of the 18th century and the first three decades of the 19th
forced monarchs and statesmen
into a series of acts that by 1830 closed the cycle that had
opened in 1453. The French Revolution and the subsequent whirlwind
of wars forced the British and Russian empires to forge an
alliance in order to defeat Napoleon. In the course of this
long and laborious process, the Ottoman Empire was alternately
courted or threatened by all the major players.
The annals of strange bedfellows grew to include the hitherto
unimaginable sight of a Russian war fleet sailing through the
straits past Constantinople and entering the Mediterranean
in order to undertake maneuvers in unison with the Turkish
fleet. Alexander I (r. 1801–25) of Russia, for various
reasons, intended to protect the Ottoman Empire from partition
by other European powers. As one instrument in that effort,
he initiated the establishment in September 1815 of a conservative "Holy
Alliance" with Austria and Prussia. That action reflected
no respect or favor toward West Asia, merely a move in the
power politics of Europe.
Neither Alexander I nor Sultan Selim
III (r. 1789–1808)
nor their successors could possibly have grasped the complexity
of changes rapidly evolving among their subjects. Nationalism,
coupled with Romantic throwbacks to the past greatness of their
civilizations, gripped the region and were soon translated
into increasingly combative movements of resurgence. All of
Greece was still part of the Ottoman Empire and witnessed the
earliest explosion of a struggle for liberation, which concluded
in 1830 with the recognition of the country’s independence.
But it was in Great Britain’s interest to guarantee an
undivided Islamic Turkey.
Likewise, the successes of the Russian
armies in the Caucasus against the Persians were closely watched
by
the British, who
made no secret of their readiness to intervene if the Russians
pursued their advantage too far into Persia or Afghanistan
and thus came too close to Britain’s crown jewel, India.
The centuries-long Russian dream of expanding south in the
name of Orthodoxy and recapturing Constantinople had been stymied
by 1830 and was never to be realized.
Organized Russian diplomacy greatly increased during the early
19th century. Previously, much poorly digested information
about the outside world accumulated in ministry files from
the frequent missions sent by the tsars to the surrounding
West Asian countries. Active trade conducted mainly by Asian
foreigners in the empire's border towns such as Astrakhan,
at the north end of the Caspian Sea, also exposed Russia to
flows of observations and gossip about other lands, but generated
few insights for St. Petersburg regarding their political,
economic, or military relevance. However, in 1819 Alexander
I created an "Asiatic Department" within his Ministry
of Foreign Affairs specifically to deal with West Asia and
other lands on the continent. In 1820, he established a small "Asiatic
Committee" of high officials, including himself, especially
focused upon Russian-West Asian relations. Alexander I did
not originate Russian diplomacy with West Asia, but he put
it upon a permanent basis within the government.
During Alexander’s
reign, relations with China were far less critical than those
with the states to the west. Trade
continued to funnel through trading cities on the Chinese-Russian
frontier.